Dr. King is assassinated - Apr 04, 1968 - HISTORY.com
National Civil Rights Museum Remembers Dr. King on Anniversary of His Death
The King Assassination Conspiracy: Betrayed by Judas
On March 28 1968 King was leading a march in downtown Memphis when a masonic planned riot broke out and two Negro Masonic assassins chased King and Abernathy with the intent to assassinate both King and Abernathy on March 28.
King and Abernathy were able to find refuge at a white business until the white print shop owner was able to safely escort King and Abernathy out of town.
On March 28 1968 King was leading a march in downtown Memphis when a masonic planned riot broke out and two Negro Masonic assassins chased King and Abernathy with the intent to assassinate both King and Abernathy on March 28.
King and Abernathy were able to find refuge at a white business until the white print shop owner was able to safely escort King and Abernathy out of town.
On April 3, 1968, Loree Bailey, the co-owner of
the Lorain Motel received a call from a member of Kings inner circle in Atlanta
requesting that a specific room on the second floor be reserve for King.
(King had always stayed in a secure room on the 1st floor.) On April 4,
Loree Bailey overheard a member of Kings entourage asking him to come out of
his room and speak to a small group that had assemble in the parking lot.
Loree Bailey knew that King was in bed suffering from a severe headache but
this member of Kings inner circle insisted that King come out and talk to the
people. King reluctantly came out of his room to speak to the small crowd when
he was shoot. Loree knew the identity of the Judas who had Dr. King set-up
to be assassinated. There
were Negro masonic assassins in Memphis the day of
the assassination one from Forrest City Arkansas. Were these the same assassins who attempted to kill King a week earlier? According to testimony from eye witnesses from the King
family vs. US government trial, the gun smoke came from the bushes across from
the motel and not from the bathroom window at the boarding house where Ray had stayed.
Dr. ML King and Loree Bailey were killed by Negro Masonic Assassins doing the dirty work of their white masonic slave masters.
Photographer Ernest Withers doubled as
Dr. ML King and Loree Bailey were killed by Negro Masonic Assassins doing the dirty work of their white masonic slave masters.
Photographer Ernest Withers doubled as FBI informant
Was the Judas who betrayed King following orders from his Masonic White Master?
Loree
Bailey was killed, hung in the stairwell of her motel only hours after
the King assassination. The official cover-up statement said that Loree
Bailey had a stroke on April 4th and died a few days later.
Who was the Judas who set-up King? Was King assassination a Masonic hit? Was a beer distributorship part of the payoff?Steve Cokley said it best in his video.
Assassination of Martin Luther King, Jr. (4 April 1968)
The Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. in 1964
World Telegram & Sun by Dick DeMarsico/Wikimedia Commons
The 47th
anniversary of the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr.’s assassination should
inspire us all to reimagine this political revolutionary’s final act as a
statesman and civil rights leader.
In the afterglow of the March on Washington and the
Selma-to-Montgomery march, King became a pillar of fire, rejecting the
course of political moderation and social reform that had made him
palatable to white leaders and a hero to African Americans.
King’s final years
found him linking the struggle for racial justice to a wider crusade to
end war and poverty. Tellingly, his comprehensive approach, which
focused on changing America’s foreign and domestic policies as well as
hearts and minds, found him under attack by critics who claimed that he
was in over his head on the subject of Vietnam and foolish to break with
former ally President Lyndon B. Johnson.
The radical King formed an anti-war political alliance with black
power leader Stokely Carmichael. On April 15, 1967, in New York City, King and Carmichael
headlined the largest anti-war rally in American history to that date,
placing two of the era’s leading black political activists at the
forefront of a still-unpopular anti-war movement.
King had also publicly repudiated the war in Vietnam exactly one year
to the day before his death in a speech at Riverside Church in New York
City. His speech, “Beyond Vietnam: A Time to Break the Silence,” announced
his formal break with both the Johnson Administration (he would never
visit the White House again) and political moderation.
Journalists and newspapers immediately attacked King for going beyond
his civil rights portfolio into the world of foreign policy and
international politics. Many publicly denounced him for having
irrevocably damaged the black freedom struggle by linking it to the
Vietnam War. King’s public approval ratings dropped precipitously among
whites and blacks for his uncompromising stance.
His final speech, in Memphis, Tenn., where he aided 1,000 striking
black sanitation workers, concluded with biblical references to having
seen the “promised land,” and is noteworthy for its rhetorical and political combativeness.
In words that would not sound out of place at contemporary #BlackLivesMatter protests, King asserted that “the greatness of America is the right to protest for right.”
King’s political evolution remains unacknowledged by most of the
American public, leading to the irony of critics of the
#BlackLivesMatter movement asserting that contemporary protesters would
do well to follow in the footsteps of King and other heroes of the civil
rights era. Missing from such criticism is the reality of the later
King, the prophet who, after being recognized in his own lifetime, was
thoroughly disregarded by past allies, politicians and the public for
speaking truth to power in a manner that made the entire nation
uncomfortable.
Peniel E. Joseph, a contributing editor at The Root, is founding director of the Center for the Study of Race and Democracy
At the end of his life, King asserted that racism, militarism and materialism represented the greatest threats to humanity that the world had ever seen. History has proved King’s words to be prophetic.
The massive protests that erupted last year in the wake of grand jury
decisions not to indict police officers in Ferguson, Mo., and Staten
Island, N.Y., represent, in both symbolic and substantive ways, a
continuation of the radical King’s political work.
Updating King’s “triple threat” means understanding the ways in which
the militarism of which he spoke has invaded our domestic sphere
through mass incarceration; how materialism promotes the largest income
and wealth gap between the rich and poor in American history; and how
institutional racism contours our current social, political and economic
systems.
King spent his whole life preaching an unusually eloquent message
that black lives mattered. His two most famous political sermons (at the
March on Washington in 1963 and in Montgomery, Ala., in 1965) were
broadcast by every major television network.
Yet there were many more radical speeches to be made, ones that
linked political revolution to radical policy changes that went beyond
the vote, that advocated economic redistribution and an end to war,
along with a “revolution in values”
designed to transform the very foundations of American democracy. It is
this King whom #BlackLivesMatter demonstrations most accurately reflect
and honor, even as he’s the one our nation continues to ignore.
Peniel E. Joseph, a contributing editor at The Root, is founding director of the Center for the Study of Race and Democracy